Last fall, the
Atlanta Braves announced plans to leave their relatively new ballpark to build
a new park in suburban Cobb County, Georgia when their lease expires
in several years. This move is partially a result of Cobb County’s willingness
to foot much of the bill for constructing the new stadium while the city of
Atlanta refused to pay for upgrades to the existing stadium and nearby
infrastructure. But one of the reasons
that the Braves, who moved to Atlanta in the mid-1960s, publicly cited to
justify their move was that their new location is more central to their base of
Braves fans—an important economic consideration given their difficulty in
selling out their stadium despite very successful teams.
As the Braves
make a move that is cognizant of demographic trends, it is worth considering
how education could also respond to such population shifts. As we
found in our study of suburban enrollments in the nation’s largest 25 metropolitan
areas, the vast percentage of public school students are enrolling in suburban
schools, including growing numbers of students of color. One of the most
concerning trends is the way in which students of color and low-income students
who move to suburbia are being confined to districts in which there is much
lower exposure to white and more affluent students. Atlanta, in fact, reflects these trends: it
has very high levels of suburbanization and some
of its suburban counties have also undergone rapid racial transformation since
the mid-1980s. While increasingly farther out suburban communities still
reflect our traditional image of a homogeneous white community with middle to
upper-class residents, closer in suburban communities are replicating patterns
of stratification that had been seen between the central city and the suburbs.
Indeed, demographers find a growing contribution to metropolitan segregation of
intra-suburban segregation.
How school
district boundaries are drawn matters tremendously as to how suburbanization
will impact schools. If districts are larger, such as countywide districts
containing both central city and at least parts of the suburban ring,
suburbanization is less likely to substantially change the district enrollment
and tax base.
Metropolitan areas that are more fragmented due to largely municipal school
boundary lines typically are much more segregated. In such areas, inner-ring
suburban districts are quite vulnerable to population shifts that can result in
rapid racial transition and loss of tax base.
Given the
variety of changes in the last decades alone—demographic, technological,
economic, etc.—it is worth reconsidering whether it might be both more
efficient and more effective to organize schooling on a broader geographical
scale. If most students live in the suburbs and not the central city, thinking
of a metropolitan area school district might more accurately reflect our
reality and provide broader exposure to new ideas and people from different
backgrounds that could positively influence the educational experiences of our
young people as well as better preparing them for their lives as citizens and
workers in our interconnected society. In addition, civil rights groups and
other organizations that seek to ensure equal opportunity for low-income and/or
students of color have traditionally focused their efforts on the central
cities but they too should realize that there are important opportunities to
try to create more equitable, integrated schooling opportunities for growing
shares of students in suburbia.
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